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[
Investment
> Interview ]
A
Record of Achievement
Faced
with a foreign currency crisis in November
1997, the Korean government requested
immediate assistance from the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF responded
with a three-year standby assistance
program coupled to financial and corporate
reform that expired Dec. 3rd 2000. David
T. Coe, Senior Resident Representative
for the IMF in Korea reflects below
on the achievements of the program and
the current outlook for the Korean economy
How
much did Korea borrow from the standby
provision and how much has been repaid?
The
standby amount provided by the IMF amounted
to a total of $21 billion. In addition,
$10 billion was provided by the World
Bank, $4 billion by the Asian Development
Bank (ADB), and a "so-called"
second line of defense, altogether amounting
to $58 billion. Korea drew $7 billion
of the amount provided by the World
Bank and $3.5 billion provided by the
ADB. Both sums are still outstanding.
Of
the $21 billion provided by the IMF,
Korea borrowed $20 billion in total.
It has not drawn on the standby provision
since the summer of 1999 and so far
has repaid $14 billion. That $14 billion
was borrowed at a high interest rate
under a "special facility,"
part of the Supplemental Reserve Facility
(SRF) created in December 1997 at the
onset of the Asian crisis to provide
short-term financing to Fund members
faced with a sudden and disruptive loss
of market confidence. Korea was the
first country to use the SRF. The $14
billion was repaid early and the $6
billion outstanding doesn't have to
be repaid until 2004. However, the government
could repay it early, and the Fund is
anxious that it does because with Korean
reserves of $96 billion, we need it
more than the government does.
The
Fund will maintain a presence in Seoul
even though the program has ended. Why
is this so?
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The
end of the program means
the end of conditionality,
that is, the government
committing to a specific
act at a specific date.
There is no connection between
operating a program
in a member country and
having a representative
office there. For example,
the IMF program in India
ended in 1992, but the Fund's
office there still remains
open. When the program with
Korea effectively ended
in December last year, the
Fund and the government
agreed that the Fund's office
could remain open for another
year or so.
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David
T. Coe Senior Resident
Representative for the IMF
in Korea
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The
reason was that the government values
our advice and it makes discussions
easier if we have an office here.
What
would you say are the major achievements
of the program?
One
of the obvious achievements is helping
government to form structures to overcome
the crisis through the financial support
we mentioned earlier. The Korean economy
is now more open to international trade
and influence and much more market-oriented
than before the crisis. There have been
significant achievements in the corporate
and financial sectors and the labor
market as well.
The
Korea Asset Management Corporation (KAMCO)
was established to buy up bad bank loans
and re-sell them. The Financial Supervisory
Commission (FSC), with its executive
arm the Financial Supervisory Service
(FSS), was launched as an independent
supervisory agency and we think the
status of the financial sector has improved
substantially as a result.
We
think KAMCO has done a good job in helping
banks deemed viable by the FSC to dispose
of their non-performing loans. At the
beginning of the crisis there were quite
a large number of weak, non-viable financial
institutions - almost 500 - that have
since been closed. Many were small,
like credit unions, but they also included
six commercial and 14 merchant banks.
The
government has taken steps to
create clean banks through the injection
of funds and has performed well in cleaning
up bank balance sheets. The banks themselves
have adopted forward-looking criteria
in their lending practices, improved
their risk assessment capability and
have gained a much more realistic view
of the quality of their portfolios.
They have also made provision against
non-performing or impaired loans, which
we see as a major achievement in the
financial sector.
In
the corporate sector there is absolutely
no doubt that Korean corporates
are very highly indebted compared to
those in other counties. Many are unable
to service debt out of their operating
profits, but we should not lose sight
of the fact that debt/equity ratios
have fallen. Also, we would agree there
has been substantial progress in improving
what could be called the economic infrastructure.
I'm referring to better accounting standards,
an unwinding of cross-guarantees between
chaebol affiliates, the appointment
of outside directors, enhancing the
status of minority shareholders and
an improvement in the bankruptcy process.
In
the labor market there has been an increase
of flexibility due to the formation
early in the program of the Tripartite
Commission [between unions, government
and business] that agreed to layoffs
for economic reasons.
I
should add that macroeconomic policy
has been very well handled over the
last three years. With the enormous
currency depreciation at the height
of the crisis there was always the chance
of a wage/price spiral becoming embedded
in the economy. That didn't happen in
Korea. Inflation has in fact, been very
low.
In
terms of fiscal policy, when the
severity of the crisis became apparent,
fiscal policy was relaxed. Since the
recovery took hold, there has been a
removal of fiscal stimuli, which was
exactly what was needed given the strength
of the upturn. For example, the original
estimate of the budget deficit for 2000
was about 3.4 percent of GDP. In fact,
from the first to the third quarters,
January to September, the economy looks
set to produce a surplus of 3 percent
of GDP. Fiscal policy is in a good position
to respond if the economy weakens.
How
do you rate the progress of restructuring
in the economy and its
impact on the overall economic picture?
One
of the points noted by the last Fund
mission in November was the contrast
between very strong developments in
the real economy and a
recent decline in confidence. We'd argue
that this decline, at least the part specific to Korea, largely reflects political considerations,
for example, the opposition's boycott
of the National Assembly and the perception
that the corporate reform program has
petered out. The economy has been punished
by the market because of this perception.
Markets got a wake-up call when Ford
pulled out of talks to buy Daewoo Motors.
Also, none of Daewoo's 12 affiliates
have been sold despite the fact it has
been well over a year since the chaebol
collapsed.
However,
it's important to remember that the
weakness of the short-term economic
outlook applies not only to Korea. For example, the decline on the world's stock exchanges reflects a global
reassessment of technology stocks, the
rise of oil prices and whether the slowdown
in the American economy will be a soft
or hard landing.
For
the future, we see the banks pushing
an agenda of reform rather than the
government. Ultimately it's up to the
banks to impose discipline on their
customers, checking if their balance sheets are sufficiently strong, tightening their
lending practices
and doing a better job of risk assessment.
There is evidence they are doing just
that, being much stricter with their
borrowers. The banks refused to rollover
loans to the insolvent Woobang Construction,
Dong-Ah Construction, Hyundai Engineering
and Construction and the now bankrupt
Daewoo Motor. When Seoul Bank refused
to rollover loans to Woobang, it was
the first time that I'm aware of that
a bank refused to rollover loans to
a company in a workout program.
Implementing
structural policy is
always difficult and always takes
time. Trying to change the way people
do business is not easy in any
country. Structural reform is not done
yet, but I'd argue that the glass is
half-full and in the process of getting
fuller, rather than half-empty.
Do
you foresee a second economic crisis?
We
must be clear what we mean about a second
crisis. If we mean a balance of payments
crisis of the kind that happened in
December 1997, I believe the answer
is that the probability is very low.
Remember that Korea has changed a lot.
There is now a floating exchange rate,
which there is no need to defend. Reserves
are higher and external debt is much
lower. We don't have the same type of
problems. This doesn't mean the business
cycle is dead in Korea and we do see
indications that consumption is declining. So, in the short
term the
economy is much weaker. That's indisputable.
However, if you
look at the forecasts by private sector
economists, economic growth is projected
at 5.75 percent this year.
There have been revisions downward to
Korean growth and there could be further
revisions, but
5.75 percent is what most would consider
a sustainable level of growth. It's
a sharp decline from 2000's anticipated
9 percent, and 1999's 11 percent, but
the three years from 1997 to 1999 were
clearly unusual.
Suppose
the banks do push the corporates so
those not viable will
be denied access to credit. Certainly
in the short term there will be an inevitable increase in unemployment. The estimates
I've seen, though, don't project an
enormous
rise in unemployment, perhaps from 4
percent to 5 percent. Everyone expects
weakness to be concentrated in the fourth
quarter of 2000 or the first quarter
or first half of 2001. The appropriate
government response is to ensure the
social safety net is strengthened. Given
the country's strong fiscal position
it may be appropriate to expand fiscal
policy and perhaps bring forward expenditures.
Updated
January 3rd 2001, By Charles
Duerden ( cad@kotra.or.kr
)

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